EXTREMISM_VEGAN

Zizians, the rise of the vegan cult: from philosophy to violence

by Andrea Molle.

The recent arrest of Jack LaSota, known online as “Ziz,” has brought attention to the enigmatic and dangerous group called the Zizians. Once an obscure internet subculture, it has now been thrust into the public eye as authorities uncover disturbing details about the group’s ideology and its links to violent crimes. Under LaSota’s leadership, the Zizians have evolved from a niche philosophical movement into an organized and radicalized network, willing to engage in extreme actions to further its beliefs.

This cult-like organization has been implicated in violent incidents across the United States, including deadly confrontations with law enforcement, targeted attacks, and aggressive protests. Reports suggest that its members adhere to a rigid, almost apocalyptic worldview, combining radical veganism, anarchism, transhumanism, and a deep distrust of established institutions. The group’s activities, from online proselytization to real-world aggression, raise urgent questions about its origins, recruitment methods, and the broader implications of its growing influence. As investigations continue, authorities and analysts face the challenge of dismantling a decentralized movement that thrives on the internet. The Zizians exemplify how ideological extremism, fueled by online radicalization, can spill over into real-world violence, posing a unique and evolving threat to public safety.

The group traces its origins to the San Francisco Bay Area, where in 2016, Jack LaSota began publishing a blog under the pseudonym “Ziz.” Initially, LaSota’s writings attracted a niche audience, particularly within online circles interested in philosophy, artificial intelligence, and radical social theories. Over time, her ideas evolved into a more complex and controversial ideology, drawing in followers and forming the foundation of what is now the Zizian movement. LaSota, a transgender woman, delved into unconventional theories about human consciousness, proposing that the brain’s hemispheres could possess distinct values and even separate gender identities, often existing in internal conflict. She framed this as a fundamental struggle within individuals, one that could be “resolved” through personal transformation and ideological commitment. This perspective resonated with some online communities, but it also fostered a more rigid and dogmatic worldview among her followers.

LaSota’s discourse expanded into political and ethical domains, incorporating radical veganism, anarchism, and extreme opposition to mainstream rationalist communities—particularly those concerned with artificial intelligence and existential risk. She criticized these groups for what she perceived as moral cowardice and an unwillingness to take direct action against perceived threats. This opposition became a defining characteristic of Zizian ideology, shaping the group’s adversarial stance against the rationalist movement and its institutions.

The eclectic mix of beliefs that emerged gave the Zizians a distinct ideological identity. What began as an online intellectual pursuit morphed into an action-oriented movement, increasingly militant in nature. The group’s shift from fringe philosophy to violent action became evident in 2019, marking a turning point in its evolution. That year, LaSota and several associates were arrested during a protest outside a Northern California retreat center hosting a rationalist event. What started as an ideological dispute over artificial intelligence ethics quickly escalated into direct action, characterized by aggressive tactics such as physical confrontations, property damage, and attempts to disrupt the event. This incident signaled a disturbing shift from intellectual critique to militancy, setting the stage for more extreme actions in subsequent years.

By 2020, the Zizians had attracted individuals not only ideologically aligned but also willing to engage in direct, sometimes violent action. In one notable case, a Zizian-affiliated individual was arrested in Portland, Oregon, after setting fire to a research facility linked to AI development. The attack, classified as arson, was framed by the perpetrator as a “preemptive strike” against artificial intelligence systems they believed posed an existential threat to humanity.

In 2021, a coordinated harassment campaign targeted key figures in the rationalist and effective altruism communities. Several prominent researchers received death threats, and at least one rationalist blogger’s home was vandalized with Zizian slogans. While no direct physical violence was involved, the campaign demonstrated the group’s increasing willingness to engage in intimidation tactics.

The escalation continued in 2022, when a group of Zizians staged a break-in at a biotech laboratory in San Diego, allegedly to “liberate” animals used in testing. Security footage showed masked individuals wearing tactical gear, further indicating the group’s militarization. Though no injuries were reported, the break-in resulted in extensive property damage, and several members were arrested.

In 2023, violence took a deadlier turn. A Zizian member was implicated in the attempted murder of a computer scientist in Boston, a researcher advocating AI safety protocols. The suspect, who had posted several online manifestos aligning with LaSota’s theories, was apprehended before the attack could be carried out. However, the incident reinforced concerns that the Zizians were moving beyond property crimes and harassment into targeted physical violence.

These incidents paved the way for outright bloodshed in 2025. In January of that year, U.S. Border Patrol Agent David Maland was fatally shot during a traffic stop in Vermont. The assailants, linked to the Zizians, were found with tactical gear and weaponry, underscoring the group’s operational capabilities and the seriousness of the threat they posed. Another shocking act of violence occurred in Vallejo, California, where landlord Curtis Lind was brutally stabbed. Investigations revealed connections between the suspects and the Zizian network, highlighting the group’s expanding geographic reach and its growing disregard for human life in pursuit of its ideological goals.

The pattern of escalation, from online radicalization to targeted violence, demonstrates the Zizians’ transformation into a dangerous extremist movement. What started as an obscure philosophical discourse has now become an organized threat, with real-world consequences that authorities are struggling to contain.

While the Zizians originated in the United States, their influence now extends beyond American borders. Their activities and network have gained footholds in various European countries, sparking alarm about the group’s global reach and impact. Individuals like German national Felix Bauckholt, implicated in violent activities associated with the Zizians, demonstrate the group’s ability to infiltrate and operate across national borders. Bauckholt’s involvement signals a broader trend of the group’s international appeal or organization, suggesting a transnational network that facilitates coordination and ideologically driven violence.

In Europe, authorities are reporting Zizian-inspired actions in several countries. In the United Kingdom, there have been instances of radicalization tied to the group’s ideology. France, with its history of radical movements, has also seen individuals align themselves with Zizian ideals, heightening concerns about the potential for organized extremist attacks. Furthermore, countries such as Italy and Spain have become critical points for recruitment and logistical support, with their porous borders and diverse political climates making them susceptible to external ideological movements like the Zizians. These nations’ connections may involve financial networks, online propaganda campaigns, and logistical support that enable actions across Europe.

The growing international dimension of Zizian influence raises several critical concerns. Law enforcement and intelligence agencies across Europe are increasingly collaborating to track the group’s activities, share intelligence, and prevent further escalation. The rise of this transnational extremist network highlights the need for enhanced cooperation between nations to counter the threat of globalized radical movements. The Zizians’ ability to inspire or directly coordinate actions beyond the United States underscores the evolving nature of modern extremism and the growing complexity of combating transnational threats.

The Zizians exemplify how online radicalization can give rise to extremist movements in the digital age. Central to their operations was the digital presence of key figures like LaSota, whose online platforms became gathering places for like-minded individuals drawn to the group’s violent ideology. These platforms allowed LaSota and others to disseminate propaganda, ideologically charged materials, and violent rhetoric, creating an echo chamber where extremism could flourish without traditional geographic limitations.

LaSota’s online influence served as a nexus for isolated individuals who, driven by shared grievances or radical ideologies, could find solidarity and reinforcement in each other’s beliefs. This virtual space allowed members of the Zizian network to coordinate actions, share strategies, and mobilize others toward radicalization. Through encrypted communications, private chat rooms, and social media platforms, the Zizians could organize discreetly and spread their messages far beyond what was previously possible.

The reach of online radicalization cannot be overstated. For many, exposure to extremist content online acts as a catalyst for radical thinking, sometimes evolving into violent intentions. The anonymity and unregulated nature of digital platforms, especially on the dark web, facilitate the spread of extremist ideologies while bypassing traditional monitoring and control mechanisms.

This underscores the growing importance of vigilance in monitoring online spaces to prevent the incubation of such dangerous movements. The Zizians’ ability to thrive in these virtual spaces highlights the necessity for law enforcement, social media companies, and governments to collaborate in identifying and neutralizing online radicalization efforts. This requires not only enhanced tracking of extremist content but also a proactive strategy of engagement, where tech platforms are empowered to detect and remove harmful materials before they gain traction.

Moreover, the Zizians’ use of digital tools to recruit, radicalize, and plan violent actions illustrates the urgency of adopting more sophisticated countermeasures in cyberspace. This includes improving online content moderation, fostering digital literacy programs to combat extremism, and raising awareness of the dangers of radicalization. The lessons learned from observing the Zizians and similar groups should drive global efforts to regulate digital platforms and prevent them from becoming breeding grounds for violence, helping to stem the tide of online radicalization before it can manifest in real-world harm.

The emergence of the Zizians, rising from the shadows of obscure online forums to orchestrating real-world acts of violence, serves as a chilling reminder of the potential dangers posed by unchecked extremist ideologies in the digital age. What began as an online fringe movement quickly evolved into a transnational network capable of mobilizing individuals across borders, turning virtual radicalization into tangible, violent actions. This escalation underscores the urgent need to address the broader issue of how extremist ideologies can thrive in the digital realm, often going unnoticed until it’s too late.

The Zizians’ ability to recruit, radicalize, and coordinate violence online highlights significant vulnerabilities in our current systems of monitoring and regulation. It serves as a potent warning that the digital space, with its vast anonymity and global reach, can be harnessed by malicious actors to spread hate and incite violence. Therefore, it is essential for law enforcement and intelligence agencies to increase vigilance, while governments and international organizations implement proactive policies that limit extremist groups’ ability to flourish in these unregulated spaces.

Policymakers must collaborate with tech companies to establish robust frameworks for monitoring online content, while also developing counter-radicalization strategies that are effective and non-invasive. Social media platforms must take greater responsibility in identifying and removing extremist materials before they gain traction. However, these efforts must be balanced with the protection of free speech and individual rights, which presents a complex challenge requiring nuanced solutions.

Furthermore, society at large has a vital role in preventing the radicalization of vulnerable individuals. Educational initiatives that promote digital literacy, critical thinking, and awareness of online extremism are crucial in empowering individuals to recognize and resist harmful ideologies. Community-based efforts to foster inclusion, tolerance, and dialogue can help counteract the divisive rhetoric that fuels radical movements like the Zizians.

Ultimately, the rise of the Zizians serves as a wake-up call, urging us to confront the evolving nature of extremism in the digital era. The collective responsibility of law enforcement, policymakers, tech companies, and the public is essential in ensuring that the digital age does not become a breeding ground for such threats. Only through continued vigilance, cooperation, and innovation can we hope to combat the growing menace of online radicalization and protect society from the devastating consequences of extremist violence.


The Philippines: A Geopolitical Linchpin in the Indo-Pacific and Italy’s Strategic Opportunity

by Andrea Molle.

The Philippines, long considered a crucial geopolitical player in Southeast Asia, has increasingly found itself at the center of the escalating competition between the United States and China. As Beijing’s “eleven-dash line” advances the country’s assertive foreign policy in the South China Sea and beyond, and Washington intensifies its Indo-Pacific strategy, Manila is playing an outsized role in shaping regional security dynamics.

For Italy, which has traditionally focused its foreign policy on Europe, Africa, and the Mediterranean, the evolving Indo-Pacific landscape presents an opportunity to redefine its global engagement via a more deliberate military and civilian presence in the Philippines archipelago. The Philippines’ strategic location at the crossroads of the Pacific and South China Sea makes it an invaluable ally for both regional and global powers. Situated on key maritime trade routes, it serves as a gateway between the Pacific and the economic heartlands of East Asia. More importantly, the archipelago provides crucial logistical and military advantages, particularly in countering China’s aggressive territorial expansion in disputed waters and the threat to Taiwan.

Beijing’s expansive claims over the South China Sea, including its militarization of artificial islands and the interruption of several fishing routes, have directly challenged Philippine sovereignty. Despite an international tribunal ruling in 2016 that invalidated China’s claims, Beijing continues to push its interests aggressively. In response, Manila has sought to reinforce its defense ties with Washington, reopening strategic bases to U.S. forces and deepening its security cooperation with regional partners such as Japan and Australia.  The Philippines has actively participated in a series of international naval drills with countries including the United States, Australia, Japan, and France. These exercises, conducted within the Philippines’ Exclusive Economic Zone, aim to enhance defense coordination and interoperability. China has expressed objections to these activities, viewing them as destabilizing. Manila also signed a defense agreement with Canada to bolster joint military exercises.

This move aligns with the Philippines’ strategy to strengthen defense partnerships amid rising tensions in the South China Sea. At the same time, the Philippines faces a delicate balancing act. While it values U.S. security guarantees, its economic interdependence with China complicates the equation. Beijing remains a key trade partner, a major source of investment, and an influential actor in the region’s economic architecture. This tension between security and economic interests highlights the broader struggle many Southeast Asian nations face in navigating the U.S.-China rivalry. While the Philippines is enhancing its defense collaborations with the U.S. and other allies, it continues to engage diplomatically with China. For instance, during a recent meeting with Cambodia’s Prime Minister Hun Manet, Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. expressed gratitude for Cambodia’s pardon of 13 Filipino women, highlighting the Philippines’ efforts to maintain positive relations within the region. Washington’s renewed focus on the Indo-Pacific, particularly through initiatives like AUKUS, the Quad, and enhanced security cooperation with ASEAN countries, aims to counterbalance China’s rising influence.

For the United States, the Philippines represents a critical anchor in its regional security framework. The Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA) between Manila and Washington facilitates American access to key military installations, ensuring a forward presence that can deter Chinese encroachments and enhance maritime security. Additionally, the growing U.S. military footprint in the region serves as a deterrent against any potential escalation in Taiwan—a key flashpoint in U.S.-China tensions. The Philippines’ proximity to Taiwan makes it a vital logistical hub should conflict arise, further solidifying its importance in Washington’s strategic calculus.

But what about Italy? Italy, as a key European power, has traditionally maintained a limited presence in the Indo-Pacific. However, given the increasing global significance of the region and the close ties currently defining its relationship with Washington, Rome should reassess its strategic engagement. However, while France and the UK have already enhanced their naval and economic involvement in the Indo-Pacific, Italy has yet to fully articulate its role. Italy’s economic interests align with a stable and rules-based Indo-Pacific. The region is a critical market for Italian exports, including defense technology, maritime equipment, and infrastructure development. Strengthening economic and security ties with the Philippines could provide a strategic gateway for broader engagement in ASEAN, where Italy holds observer status. On the security front, Italy could enhance naval cooperation with the Philippines by participating in joint maritime exercises, providing coast guard training, and supporting regional efforts to maintain freedom of navigation. Italy’s advanced defense industry could also contribute to modernizing the Philippines’ military capabilities.

Diplomatically, Italy should leverage its EU partnerships to push for a more coherent European Indo-Pacific strategy, ensuring that Europe remains a relevant player in the region’s geopolitical balance. Supporting ASEAN-led security mechanisms and advocating for adherence to international law, particularly the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), would further cement Italy’s role as a constructive actor. In conclusion, the Philippines’ geopolitical significance in the Indo-Pacific is undeniable. As the U.S. pivots to counterbalance China’s growing assertiveness, Manila finds itself at the heart of a strategic competition that will shape the future of global order. For Italy, engaging more proactively in the Indo-Pacific—particularly through stronger ties with the Philippines—represents an opportunity to diversify its foreign policy and assert itself as a relevant player in one of the world’s most dynamic regions. By deepening economic, security, and diplomatic ties, Italy can contribute to a more stable and rules-based Indo-Pacific while expanding its own strategic footprint in an increasingly multipolar world.


The Perils of a War Between Israel and Jordan

by Andrea Molle.

A war between Israel and Jordan remains an unlikely but potentially catastrophic scenario. Since signing a peace treaty in 1994, the two countries have maintained diplomatic and security cooperation, making armed conflict seem improbable. However, the Middle East is a region where tensions can escalate unexpectedly, and in the event of war, the consequences would be far-reaching, extending beyond the immediate battlefield and reshaping regional and global dynamics.

Militarily, Israel holds an overwhelming advantage. Its state-of-the-art air force, advanced missile defense systems, and cyber warfare capabilities make it one of the most formidable militaries in the world. Jordan’s military, while professional and well-trained, lacks the offensive power and technological sophistication to sustain a prolonged war against Israel. While Jordan’s mountainous terrain could offer some defensive advantages, its key cities and infrastructure would be vulnerable to Israeli airstrikes.

Conversely, Israeli population centers such as Tel Aviv and Jerusalem would be within range of Jordanian missiles, but Israel’s Iron Dome and other missile defense systems would likely neutralize most of these threats. If war were to break out under a U.S. administration led by Donald Trump, the geopolitical landscape would shift dramatically. Trump has a history of unwavering support for Israel, having moved the U.S. embassy to Jerusalem and recognized Israeli sovereignty over the Golan Heights during his first term. In the event of conflict, Washington would likely side decisively with Israel, providing military assistance, blocking diplomatic efforts to restrain Israeli actions, and exerting pressure on Jordan to de-escalate.

This approach could embolden Israeli leadership, reducing the incentive for a swift resolution and increasing the likelihood of a drawn-out conflict. At the same time, such a stance would further alienate Arab allies like Saudi Arabia and the UAE, who would face the difficult choice of supporting Jordan diplomatically while maintaining their fragile ties with Israel. The economic consequences of such a war would be devastating. Jordan, already reliant on foreign aid and economic cooperation with Israel, would suffer greatly, facing trade disruptions, infrastructure destruction, and economic collapse. While Israel has a more resilient economy, a prolonged war would still create market instability, harm the tourism industry, and disrupt vital sectors such as technology and defense.

A broader escalation could also lead to rising oil prices and regional economic turmoil, further complicating global markets. Beyond conventional military and economic consequences, one of the most dangerous ripple effects of such a conflict would be the resurgence of international terrorism. History has shown that war and instability in the Middle East create fertile ground for jihadist organizations, and a war between Israel and Jordan would likely open the door for extremist groups to exploit the chaos. ISIS-K, an already growing threat, could seize the moment to expand its influence, launching attacks in both Israel and Jordan while using the war as a recruitment tool. The instability could also encourage terrorist attacks in Western nations, as radicalized individuals respond to the conflict with violence abroad. The specter of a global wave of terrorism, fueled by the war, could reshape security policies worldwide and force governments to divert resources toward counterterrorism efforts. The possible outcomes of such a conflict vary in severity. A short, intense war could lead to a quick diplomatic resolution, with the United States or regional powers stepping in to mediate a ceasefire.

However, if the war dragged on and external actors such as Iran, Hezbollah, and Palestinian militant groups became involved, the situation could spiral into a broader regional conflict. Jordan itself could face internal instability, with the monarchy weakened by war and at risk of an uprising or coup. In the worst-case scenario, the war could trigger a new era of instability, empowering extremist groups and reshaping alliances across the region. Ultimately, a war between Israel and Jordan would be disastrous for both countries and the broader Middle East. The strategic, economic, and security costs far outweigh any potential gains, making a full-scale conflict unlikely.

However, as history has shown, political miscalculations, external provocations, or shifting alliances can sometimes push nations toward unintended wars. While outright conflict remains improbable, the risks of border tensions, proxy confrontations, and diplomatic crises should not be underestimated. The only real solution is continued dialogue and diplomatic engagement, as the alternative—a war with unpredictable and devastating consequences—would be a tragedy for the entire region.


Italy’s Strategic Role in the Sahel: Challenges and Opportunities After the French Withdrawal.

by Andrea Molle.

After the withdrawal of the last French military mission, Italy remains the only European country with a significant presence in the Sahel. This opens several opportunities but also presents various challenges that Rome will have to address with as integrated a strategy as possible. Italy indeed has a significant military presence in sub-Saharan Africa, with several missions aimed at ensuring security, combating terrorism, and supporting the stability of the region. These missions see Rome engaged in Niger, Chad, Djibouti, Somalia, and the Gulf of Guinea, both through bilateral operations and within the framework of EU, NATO, and UN missions. Italy maintains a military presence in Niger as part of the “MISIN” mission (Bilateral Support Mission in the Republic of Niger), launched in 2018 with the aim of supporting local authorities in contrasting terrorism, human trafficking, and organized crime. The operation fits into Italy’s broader commitment in the Sahel, aimed at ensuring stability and security in the region, countering threats that can also impact Europe, such as irregular migration flows.

The Italian mission in Niger primarily focuses on training and mentoring local security forces to improve their operational capabilities. Italian military personnel, drawing from various branches of the Armed Forces, provide courses on combat techniques, special operations, surveillance, and border control. Additionally, logistical and medical support is an essential component of the operation. The Italian contingent in Niger consists of several hundred units, with the possibility of deploying up to 470 soldiers, 130 vehicles, and aircraft for logistical and reconnaissance needs. Italy has established its operational base in Niamey, the capital of Niger, collaborating with local authorities and other international partners, including the United States and previously France. The operation is also part of a broader cooperation framework between Italy and Niger, which includes development initiatives, humanitarian aid, and investments to improve the economic and social conditions of the African country. However, the political situation in Niger is unstable, with the recent 2023 coup leading to a review of relations between the Nigerien government and Western states, including Italy.

Despite the geopolitical uncertainties, the Italian mission in Niger remains a key part of Italy’s defense and security strategy in the Sahel, contributing to the stabilization of a region crucial for the geopolitical and economic balance of both the region and Europe. Beyond Niger, Italy also maintains a limited military presence in neighboring Chad, focusing mainly on liaison, training, and supporting international missions in the Sahel region. This commitment is part of a broader multilateral cooperation effort aimed at combating terrorism, stabilizing the area, and strengthening local security forces’ capabilities. Italy’s activities in Chad work in synergy with operations led by international organizations such as the European Union, the United Nations, and the G5 Sahel, providing strategic and operational support through intelligence sharing, military training, and coordination with other military contingents in the area. Lastly, Italy participates in several initiatives to improve the country’s border security, prevent arms trafficking, and counter radicalization, all key elements for the stability of Chad and the Sahel region as a whole.

The Italian approach is distinguished by a strong emphasis on civil-military cooperation, promoting not only security but also the development and resilience of local communities. Italy also established a military base in Djibouti, the Italian Support Military Base (BMIS), operational since 2013. Located strategically in the Horn of Africa, the BMIS serves as a logistics and operations hub, developing intelligence capabilities for Italian armed forces engaged in missions in the East Africa region and the Indian Ocean. This base is a key infrastructure supporting anti-piracy operations, contributing to the security of shipping routes and the patrolling of international waters. It also provides logistical and operational support to various Italian and European missions in the region, including Italy’s participation in the EUNAVFOR Atalanta operation (against piracy in the Gulf of Aden) and the EUTM Somalia mission, dedicated to training Somali armed forces.

The presence of the BMIS also allows for the rapid deployment of Italian units in case of emergencies or crises in the area, strengthening Italy’s role in the security and stabilization of the Horn of Africa. The base hosts military personnel and advanced support infrastructure, allowing maintenance of vehicles, supplies, and assistance to Italian forces and allied missions. In addition to military aspects, the BMIS also represents a point of cooperation with local Djiboutian authorities, helping to strengthen diplomatic relations between Italy and Djibouti and support regional security, stability, and development initiatives. Italy maintains a significant presence in Somalia, actively contributing to the country’s security and stabilization through two main international missions. These are the EUTM Somalia (European Union Training Mission in Somalia), an EU mission active since 2010, aimed at training and mentoring the Somali National Army (SNA) to strengthen its operational capabilities and enable the Somali government to deal with internal security threats, particularly from the terrorist group Al-Shabaab.

Italy plays a leading role in this mission, providing military instructors, advisors, and strategic support. Italian personnel are involved in training Somali officers in tactical, strategic, and logistical aspects, as well as promoting international humanitarian law principles. The goal is to build a professional and efficient Somali army capable of ensuring the country’s security autonomously. In addition to military training, the mission focuses on the development of Somali military leadership and strengthening defense institutions, contributing to the creation of a more effective command and control chain. The other operation, called Operation Atalanta, is a naval mission of the European Union (EUNAVFOR Atalanta) launched in 2008, aimed at combating piracy in the Gulf of Aden and the Indian Ocean, protecting merchant navy ships, and ensuring the safety of strategic maritime routes.

Italy actively participates in the operation with naval units, helicopters, and military personnel, performing patrols and providing escorts for commercial and humanitarian ships, particularly those of the World Food Programme (WFP) heading to Somalia. The Italian Navy has played a prominent role in the mission, contributing to the deterrence of piracy and maintaining security in international waters. Operation Atalanta has had a significant impact, drastically reducing pirate attacks and strengthening cooperation among international naval forces. Italy, in addition to its operational contribution, has frequently held high-level commands within the mission, confirming its commitment to global maritime security. In addition to participating in these missions, Italy maintains strong historical and diplomatic ties with Somalia, a country that was an Italian colony until the mid-20th century. Italy’s commitment goes beyond the military aspect, encompassing development cooperation, humanitarian support, and initiatives for political stabilization.

Through the EUTM Somalia and Operation Atalanta missions, Italy significantly contributes to the security and stability of the Horn of Africa, consolidating its role as a key actor in international operations in the region. Finally, with Operation Gabinia, Italy has committed to strengthening maritime security in the Gulf of Guinea, a crucial area for international oil and goods traffic, but also one of the regions most affected by maritime piracy. The deployment of Italian naval units aims to combat piracy, protect commercial ships (particularly those flying the Italian flag), and ensure the security of maritime infrastructure critical to global economic interests. All these operations are part of a broader Italian engagement in the region, which includes economic, military, and diplomatic cooperation with several West African countries.

Italy is working to develop strategic partnerships that include development initiatives, humanitarian aid, and investments to improve the economic and social conditions of the countries involved, thereby contributing to their stability and reducing the root causes of instability and forced migration. Key areas of intervention include training local security forces, border control, combating illicit trafficking (drugs, weapons, humans), and the fight against jihadist terrorism, which represents a growing threat in the Sahel region. Strengthening local security and intelligence capabilities is critical to counter groups such as Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), Boko Haram, and the Islamic State in the Greater Sahara (ISGS), who exploit institutional weaknesses and ethnic tensions to expand their influence.

An additional objective that Italy will need to pursue more decisively in the future is containing the growing geopolitical penetration of Russia and China in the region. Moscow has strengthened its military and political presence through paramilitary groups like the Wagner Group, providing support to authoritarian regimes and military juntas in exchange for natural resources and strategic bases. Beijing, on the other hand, continues to expand its economic influence through significant infrastructure and financial investments, often through debt mechanisms that bind local governments to Chinese interests. In the face of these developments, Italy, in coordination with the United States and other NATO partners, will need to strengthen its political-military presence, intensify cooperation with local governments, and promote alternative development models based on sustainability and the economic self-determination of African countries.

Italy’s commitment to West Africa is therefore increasingly seen as a delicate balance between security, diplomacy, development cooperation, and the protection of national and European strategic interests.